A senior source in the Republican Movement has said “We thank Peter Casey, candidate in the election for the Presidency of the Irish Free State, for reminding us of the importance of this election as that State struggles to survive Brexit.”
“In expressing the uafásach views of the comfortable landlord class, but directing those at the travelling community, he also reminds us of our history and the death and destruction that such property ownership views ultimately lead to.”
“Nuair a bhí eirí-amach sa bhlian 1848 i dTiobraid Árann cad ar creid daoine cosúil le Peter faoi ‘property’ ag an am sin? Mar tá Peter ag rá an rud céanna a dúirt na tiarna talúin sna bliainta nach raibh prataí na bia ar bith le fáil. Cuirtear ‘gorta’ ar sin, ach deireann an stair scéal eile. Ag an am sin, bhí na tiarna talún ag gearán faoi muintir na h-Éireann mar “basically people camping in someone else’s land”. It might be entertaining to hear Peter’s views on that, though the entertainment may lie in picking apart his knowledge and understanding of our history.”
“When you say “basically people camping in someone else’s land” of anyone, you place the person below the soil in your world view. Yes, someone holds a piece of paper that says they ‘own’ that land in the English system; but the Irish person camping on that land holds their heritage and their heart within them; the person camping on that land lives, but the piece of paper does not.”
“Anyone who camps on the foreshore or in a field during the summer holiday is also “basically people camping in someone else’s land”. As long as care is taken of the locality, and respect shown for the land upon which we walk, there is no need for complaint.”
“The position of the IRB with respect to the comfortable and landlord classes is: “they haven’t gone away, you know”.
“Beidh siad anseo agus ar barr muid go dtí go bhfuil Uachtarán macánta don Phoblacht, agus an Phoblacht ar ais freisin.”
A senior source has in the Republican movement has said: “The nearly 100 year experiment of the Irish Free State has failed. This is obvious from the repeated and successive failures of the organs of that State.”
“There is presently talk about a General Election arising out of the recent budget; a few pieces of paper either side of a line or a little instability in a working arrangement isn’t sufficient reason for that.”
“What is sufficient reason, but which has passed with no effective action is the successive failures of the functions of the State. Education, the most important of all because from it comes our next generation is in the hands of a discredited foreign power. Health, by which we keep our next and our retired generations well is dysfunctional. The banking sector, through which the State regulates commerce, and which we all depend upon continues to be reviled. The military which we rely upon in times of emergency cannot get recruits with sufficient health and education for the job. The Garda Síochána, once one of our greatest gems, and in which we rightly had immeasurable pride, is demonstrably corrupted with now a head of the organisation who cannot think or speak in our native tongue.”
“Homeless people die on our streets of cold and hunger, and parents have to walk 260Km for medicine for their children.”
“How we came to this pass is the result of a lie. Each and every one of us knows what happens arising from a lie. The lie festers, and no good can come of it. All around it starts to fester until something has to give.”
“So too with the birth of the Irish Free State. It has traded as the “Republic” of Ireland since 1949, but is still at heart the Free State. The discriminatory oath for President demonstrates that.”
“Any journalist worth two pennies will ask Taoiseach Leo Varadkar and Tánaiste Simon Coveney about the 1927 court decision in New York County that found that the “Irish Free State is not the successor of the revolutionary organisation known as Dáil Éireann”. Guaranty Safe Deposit Co vs the Irish Free State is where the truth lies.”
“December 14th is the day to hold a General Election, coming exactly 100 years to the day after the 1918 elections. Let it be a referendum on whether any of our aspirations of 100 years ago have been met.”
“On December, having waited for almost 100 years, the IRB call for a referendum on whether the decision made in good faith, but with poor foresight, by our predecessors should stand.”
“As Brexit looms, this becomes imperative anyway”.
A senior source in the Republican movement has commented that: “Sinn Féin has moved a long way from it’s roots, if it were to allow one of it’s members to be President of the ‘Republic’ of Ireland – even if elected.
The Irish Free State was merely renamed as a Republic in 1949, and on a day-to-day basis most people refer to the Southern 26 Counties as a Republic.
However, no Republic has 2nd class citizens, not on the ground of gender, but also not on the ground of religion.
Clearly, only Christians can become President of the State because of the religious oath of office.
While some will argue that this is merely part of the State tradition, the Oath from Article 12.8 clearly discriminates against Irish people who have moved beyond religion. Almost 25% of Irish people are now atheists, Humanists, or others of no religion. This 25% of the voting population are without voice.
The Father of Irish Republicanism, Wolfe Tone, was most clear that all of Catholic, Protestant, and Dissenter were welcome, and all were equal.
Clearly this is not the case with the Dublin administration.
Sinn Féin would be truer to it’s roots were it to support an abstentionist candidate nominated by the IRB (Irish Republican Brotherhood) – who founded the original Sinn Féin and were the organisers of the 1916 rising from which the 26-county ‘Republic’ of Ireland claims legitimacy – or to declare that Sinn Féin’s own candidate would refuse to take the discriminatory oath.
If the Irish people were to remember their roots, and to seek to reclaim their sovereignty by electing a Humanist Republican, the side-effect of not taking a religious oath – which a true secular Republican could not do – would be the crippling of the Irish Free State.
As that State is dysfunctional already, it would be best to show that clearly.
This is where Sinn Féin’s tradition would take it, if Mary Lou McDonald were true to the aim of a Republic of Equals.”
Seo phictiúrí ó Glean Gual an Satharn chaite, 2017-11-25. Isteach ann tá muintir Sinn Féin, Cumann Tommy Kavanagh sna Commons/Gort na hUamha.
Freisin, tá an gComhairleóir Davy Dunne ó Sinn Féin, le Dick agus Willie Ó Shea. Tá DIck agus Willie Phoblactánaigh le tamall mór anuas, ach níl mór ar sin a bhféidir linn a rá.
Leag an gComhairleóir bláthanna ar uamh Thomás Uí Donnabháin a bhfuair bás mar toradh dún mharú ag Black and Tans, diabhail orthú. Marach sé i 1920 le linn cogadh idir an Bhreatain Mór agus Phoblacht Ceannasach Éire.
Níl Phoblacht na hÉireann iníon do Phoblact Ceannasach Éire, mar is eól do daoine chomh sinne i Sinn Féin mar Dick agus Wille, ach an oiread. Ach do bhí siad fíor buoich chun comóradh fear a básach ar son an Phoblacht Ceannasach sin, agus chun bheith ann agus an gCómhairleóir ag ligint na mbláthanna chun meadú meas ar Thomás Uí Donnabháin.
Photographs from Glengoole (New Birmingham) from last Saturday 25th November, 2017. These show members of the Tommy Kavanagh Cumann, Sinn Féin from The Commons Gortnahoe.
Also present are Councillor Davy Dunne and Dick and Willie O’Shea. Simply put, DIck and Willie are Republicans of long standing.
Cllr Dunne laid a wreath on the grave of Thomas O’Donovan, killed by the much reviled Black and Tans in 1920, while fighting against Great Britain for the sovereign Republic of Éire.
The Republic of Ireland is not the successor of the sovereign Republic of Éire, as would be known to older Republicans like Dick and Willie. They were delighted to attend the commemoration of one who died for that sovereign Republic, and to be present when Councillor Dunne laid a wreath of respect for Thomas O’Donovan.
“Every Irish citizen is entitled to a home, an education, comprehensive health care free at the point of delivery, and, equal pay for equal work.” – Declan Kearney.
“To break the connection with England…and to assert the independence of my country, these were my objects. To unite the whole people of Ireland… and to substitute the common name of Irishman, in place of Protestant, Catholic and dissenter, these were my means.” – Wolfe Tone.
This is the address by Declan Kearney at Bodenstown 2017: Advancing towards Irish Unity – in the United Irish tradition
This time 220 years ago Ireland was in the midst of dramatic political and revolutionary change.
It was described as ‘The time of the Hurry’ in the poem ‘The man from God knows where’ dedicated to Thomas Russell.
The United Irishmen were the engine of that change.
They took their inspiration from the new democratic and egalitarian ideals of the American and French revolutions.
They were Republican separatists committed to the promotion of anti-sectarianism, fraternity and equality.
They forged alliances across Irish society and mounted an unprecedented military insurgency in every Province.
In my own county the United Irishmen took control of towns like Randalstown and Ballymena. Local United Irish leaders such as Henry Joy McCracken, Roddy McCorley and William Orr remain household names to this day.
Jemmy Hope “The Weaver” from Templepatrick and his farseeing revolutionary vision became an ideological reference point for Fintan Lawlor and later generations of Irish Revolutionaries.
These and others personified the central tenet of emergent Irish Republicanism – the unity of Protestant, Catholic and dissenter.
Wolfe Tone famously summarised the United Irish Republican programme:
“To break the connection with England…and to assert the independence of my country, these were my objects. To unite the whole people of Ireland… and to substitute the common name of Irishman, in place of Protestant, Catholic and dissenter, these were my means.”
As modern day Irish Republicans in the tradition of Tone, we are dedicated to the establishment of a national Republic, built upon equality, fraternity, unity and reconciliation between all citizens in Ireland.
Our primary aim is for an agreed, multicultural united Ireland, which celebrates diversity and equality, and shuns bigotry and discrimination.
Sinn Féin stands against all forms of sectarianism, racism, homophobia, sexism, and intolerance in society.
Today’s Ireland is one of huge social change and political realignment.
Partition continues to be the central fault line at the heart of Irish politics and society.
The imposition of the Brexit decision upon the people of the six counties has now magnified that fault line.
We are clear; Brexit is a by-product of partition and continued British jurisdiction in the North of our country.
It has now become a catalyst for a new realignment of politics in Ireland; in relations between this island and Britain: and, it is redefining politics in the British State and Europe itself.
Irish Unity has become central to the political discourse.
Next Saturday in Belfast at the Waterfront our party will host a major national conference on Irish Unity to build on that discussion.
Many citizens are now looking beyond the Brexit fall out and towards new constitutional and political opportunities.
In the North, greater numbers of ordinary people are now more engaged with politics.
Young people have become increasingly politicised.
All that is reflected in the Assembly and General election results in March and just last week.
The election of 27 Sinn Féin MLA’s and 7 MPs with 239,000 votes is an historic high in electoral support for our party, and for progressive politics.
I want to thank every activist and supporter and all their families who contributed to these spectacular achievements; and also to all of our voters.
There is a building momentum for Irish Unity and in support of anti-unionist and progressive politics.
There is also a new, popular expectation of real, and substantial political change.
The people of the North have spoken.
Sinn Féin respects the mandate secured by the DUP.
But make no mistake Sinn Féin’s electoral mandate is a vindication of our pledge that there will be no return to the status quo: and I repeat; no citizen or section of society will be put to the back of the bus again.
In 1967 our parents and grandparents and others in this gathering set out to demand civil rights in the North. They were beaten and shot off the streets.
Fifty years later an equality revolution is happening in the six counties and it is being led by young people.
Agus tá siad tiomanta agus diongbhailte. Tá siad dearg le fearg agus tá muid go léir dearg le fearg.
For the first time since partition electoral support for political unionism has fallen below 50%.
These are the new realities.
And this is the new context for the current round of political talks.
Let us be clear – the political crisis in the North can be resolved.
The political institutions can be re-established.
However, that means the DUP and British government need to get the message – which they have ignored since Martin McGuinness’ resignation on 9th January.
So I will spell it out.
The equality and rights agenda is not negotiable.
Agreements previously made on equality, rights, parity of esteem and legacy must be implemented.
The Good Friday Agreement cannot be unpicked.
The political institutions must not be misused to advance institutionalised bigotry.
Continued refusal by the DUP and British government to accept these fundamental positions will create only one outcome: a future of permanent political instability.
The DUP have spent the last week in talks with the British Government trying to strike a deal which will keep the Tories in power.
As with Brexit, any deal with Tories will be bad for the economy, public services and for citizens.
This Tory government cares as little for working-class unionists as it does for working-class republicans.
Working-class unionists did not vote for Tories.
The DUP leadership know that. They know the north is of no consequence in Westminster.
Even Edward Carson recognised this nearly 100 years ago. He said:
“What a fool I was… in the political game that was to get the Conservative party into power.”
The central fact is the political process in the North remains overshadowed by financial scandals.
That is why Sinn Féin stood the DUP leader down from her position last January.
The focus on her future role in an Executive is completely misdirected and premature.
That discussion will only arise when there is an acceptable implementation plan to restore public confidence in the political process and ensures that the institutions will work on the basis of proper power sharing, equality, respect and integrity.
This is a serious situation, which demands a serious focus by all parties.
It is not a game, and it is certainly not a dance.
If the DUP really wants to go into the Executive, that party needs to decide whether it is now prepared to embrace a rights-based approach to government in the North.
Instead of pretending that a crisis does not really exist, the DUP should get with the programme.
If the DUP imagines it can wind back the clock, with a Tory side deal or not, and reestablish the institutions without adherence to equality and rights, then the DUP is indeed living in a fool’s paradise.
As for the two governments, instead of talking up the prospect of a successful outcome to these talks, they and the DUP should reread Martin McGuinness’ resignation letter on the 9th January.
It sets out exactly what is required to restore public confidence, and to create the conditions for proper government in the North.
We don’t need optical illusions; we expect change!
The new Irish government now carries a huge responsibility.
The failure of the last Irish government to fulfil its obligations as a co-guarantor for the Good Friday Agreement is a national scandal.
This dereliction of political leadership must end.
The new Taoiseach and his administration should now publicly disassociate itself from the pro-unionist, partisan position of the British government.
This Irish government should bring forward a comprehensive plan for Irish reunification, including:
– A joint Oireachtas committee on preparing for Irish unity;
– A government White Paper on national reunification;
– And, specific proposals for a unity referendum on the island.
This month 40 years ago and here at Tone’s grave our comrade Jimmy Drumm correctly observed that the achievement of national and social liberation relied upon the development of a popular progressive movement for change throughout Ireland.
Today we live in an Ireland of endemic financial scandal, political corruption, gombeen elites, discrimination and sectarianism.
The strategic position articulated by Jimmy Drumm in 1977 is now more relevant than ever.
The austerity programmes imposed by Fine Gael and the British Tories have entrenched social inequality, both North and South.
None of our children should have to live in fear from poverty or austerity; inequality or discrimination; or from intolerance or sectarianism.
Social inequality is the antithesis of values enshrined in the 1916 Proclamation and the democratic programme of 1919.
Every Irish citizen is entitled to a home, an education, comprehensive health care free at the point of delivery, and, equal pay for equal work.
Instead social inequality, political corruption and financial scandal have become bywords for public policy under Fine Gael.
The new Taoiseach seems determined to take his government further to the right.
If that is his intention, then he should call a general election now, and let the people cast its verdict on that political programme.
In those circumstances Sinn Féin will go forward with our progressive political agenda.
We know where we stand, and it’s not with the gombeen men, the crooks, or fat cats.
To paraphrase Tone Sinn Féin stands with:
“That numerous and respectable class of the community, the men of no property.”
Irish unity has never been more achievable.
But that goal is only inevitable when Republicans successfully persuade sufficient numbers of our people that an agreed, united Ireland will serve their interests.
The refusal of significant sections of political unionism to embrace a shared future, and divisions caused by deep-seated sectarianism, create enormous challenges for Republicans.
Yet despite that, we must continue to show generosity of spirit, and reassurance to our unionist neighbours in the North.
As agents of change it is up to us to reach into the wider unionist constituency.
As republicans in the United Irish tradition we have to demonstrate how their rights, traditions, and identity will be accommodated in a new constitutional framework of an agreed Ireland.
It is for us to convince them that it is far better for Irish unionists to exert their influence over a progressive Ireland, instead of being reduced to stage props for a right-wing British Tory government.
Sinn Féin’s policies on reconciliation and anti-sectarianism represent genuine contributions towards the development of reconciliation between Republicans and unionists, within Irish society, and, between Ireland and Britain.
These need to be internalised and mainstreamed within our political work, both North and South.
Our generation of Republicans are history makers.
Martin McGuinness atá anois ar shlí na fírinne, and whom we greatly miss here today, as well as others in our leadership, have brought us to this point.
Now it is for the rest of us to finish that work.
We must become the nation builders.
We must continue the transformation of Irish society.
Meeting these responsibilities requires a step change in our party.
We need to be always strategically focused, cohesive, flexible and creative.
Let us be clear: building popular support and political strength is not a plan for opposition.
Our political strategy is a road map for governmental power.
So that means Sinn Féin being in government North and South.
This is our road map to achieving national democracy and a united Ireland.
But being in government is not a vanity contest.
This party is not interested in acting as a prop for the status quo North or South.
Political institutions are not ends in themselves: they should be made to work as the means to make positive change.
And of course, we must avoid being defined by the nature of the political institutions.
Sinn Féin participation in the Dáil, Assembly, all-Ireland institutions and European Parliament must be at the heart of a broader momentum for political and social change in Ireland.
If change is to be people centred, then change must be driven by the people.
A popular democratic movement for transformation needs to be developed across Ireland.
That is a progressive coalition of political, civic, community, cultural and labour activists united in support of economic democracy, sustainable public services, equality, rights, and the welfare of citizens.
These are the means of modern Republicans today.
Ireland is in transition. Our party is in transition.
The process of leadership succession has already commenced.
We have begun to implement a ten-year plan to regenerate our party with more youth and women; and enhanced skills and capacity.
Mar sin, más cearta, cothromas agus Poblacht atá uaibh – ná habraigí é – eagraigí, tógaigí, agus déanaigí é.
If you want equality and rights – if you want fairness in Irish society:
If you really want a Republic – then just don’t vote Sinn Féin:
Join Sinn Féin – and get your family and friends to do the same.
We continue to take our inspiration from Tone.
This afternoon in Bodenstown we stand resolute in the tradition of Henry Joy McCracken, William Orr, Roddy McCorley, Jemmy Hope, Betsy Gray and Mary-Anne McCracken.
Now let us go forward reenergised and confident, to mobilise and organise, and to achieve national independence and Irish Unity.
Limerick Sinn Féin TD Maurice Quinlivan has expressed his joy that his work for the return of a flag captured from Volunteers in Limerick in 1916 has been met with success. The flag has been returned to the City and is now on public display.
The flag, which was on display in the Imperial War Museum, was captured by British Forces of the 4th Battalion of the Leinster Regiment in Limerick on the 5th of May 1916 following the Easter Rising in Dublin. It has been in the Imperial War Museum on a loan from the Royal Collection since 1936.
Deputy Quinlivan commented: “A Limerick City Museum staff member first made me aware of the flag’s existence in the summer of 2014. I have been seeking its return to Limerick ever since through regular contact with the Imperial war museum. It was always my hope that it would be back in Limerick for the 100th anniversary of the rising. I am delighted that it has arrived back in Limerick today.
“I must acknowledge that the museum in London were very helpful. While a number of technical delays prevented the flag coming back for the whole of 2016, it is still great that it is here now. Following confirmation that the flag would be returned, the Imperial War Museum had to then get permission from the Royal Collection, which is owned by the English Queen. So, she is the one who has basically given us back our flag.
“They agreed to give the flag back to us on a long-term loan, which effectively means that the flag is home in Limerick where it belongs and I would hope that people come and see it, where it is on show as part of the Council’s 1916 display and for the foreseeable future.
“Sinn Féin was determined to ensure that the 1916 Centenary is marked in the most appropriate way possible, as a fitting popular acknowledgement of the past but also, and just as importantly, as a pointer to a better future. Many events have taken place and many continue to take place across Ireland and the world to commemorate this hugely important event which gave birth to the free Irish nation.
“I am delighted that finally this flag has been returned to Limerick where it rightfully belongs. It will serve as a tribute to those who sacrificed their lives and liberty for our freedom.”